Anglo-Saxon Paganism

By the mid-fifth century, what was left of Romano-Britain experienced a major influx of pagan Anglo-Saxon migrants.

When the Romans abandoned Britain in the early C5th, civic infrastructure was already deteriorating. The money and resources needed to maintain large urban centres and civic amenities had long since dried up. And now a pagan, barbarian, invasion threatened to sweep away what seemed like, from a Christian Romano-British perspective, all that remained of their civilisation.

For the native population, it was a major culture shock. But, as it turned out, Anglo-Saxon paganism would not endure. In 597 the Gregorian mission began the process of converting the English to Christianity. By 686 the last pagan king was dead. Anglo-Saxon paganism had survived in England for little more than two brief centuries. By the dawn of the eighth century it had disappeared, leaving behind only a very limited record of its beliefs and practices.

A key reason for this paucity of evidence lies with the fact that the early Anglo-Saxons were an illiterate people. We therefore have no more than a fragmentary record of their religion. What, then, based on such limited knowledge, can we meaningfully say about Anglo-Saxon paganism?

Germanic Paganism

The C5th Anglo-Saxons were, culturally, very closely related to the pagan peoples of Scandinavia and Germany. They shared similar beliefs, venerated similar gods, and shared similar myths and stories.

Indeed, the people we call Anglo-Saxons migrated to England from northern Germany, Denmark and the Low Countries. Their cultural connection to these lands, especially amongst the Angles, remained strong until Christian times. The famous early C7th Sutton Hoo burial site contains many artefacts originating from Scandinavia. Testimony to a thriving cultural connection, almost two centuries after the early migrations.

When we look at paganism amongst these early medieval Germanic peoples, it is Norse paganism that is by far the best understood. This is because their pagan beliefs persisted far longer than amongst their Anglo-Saxon and German cousins. As a result, many more Norse myths, stories and superstitions survived long enough to have been recorded in writing. Since we know these people shared many similar beliefs, we can use our knowledge of Norse paganism to help reconstruct something of the old Anglo-Saxon traditions.

The Gods

We know only a very limited amount about the Anglo-Saxon gods, and most of what we know is fragmentary in nature. We do know that the Anglo-Saxons had a polytheistic religion. They venerated a pantheon of gods and goddesses broadly analogous to those worshipped by pagan Germans and Scandinavians.

Their most important god was Woden, who appears to have performed a similar role to the Norse Odin, or Germanic Wotan. He was a patron of chieftains, as well as being a god of wisdom, magic, and skill. However, we should not assume he was identical to Odin in all respects. Some of his stories would no doubt have been similar, but others were probably different. Images of him that survive, for example, depict him with two eyes, whereas Odin famously only had one.

Thunor was the Anglo-Saxon god of thunderstorms and farming. He was very much like the Norse Thor but, again, not identical. Similarly, the Anglo-Saxons also had a war god, Tiw, much like the Norse Tyr. The goddess Frig was Woden’s wife and the patroness of marriage, love and childbirth. Other deities included a mix of gods and goddess, some of whom have a clear Norse analogue and others not. These include Seaxnet (whose name means ‘Sword-companion’), Geat, Ing, Hreda (an earth goddess) and Eostre (a goddess associated with springtime and the dawn).

Lost Gods

The identity of some, possibly many, Anglo-Saxon deities is now lost to us. And, in some cases, we can only guess at the identities of some gods based on very fragmentary information.

Tacitus records a pair of twin gods worshipped by a German tribe at the end of the C1st, whom he refers to as the Alcis twins. Tacitus says they were like (but not the same as) Castor and Pollux. A pair of dancing warriors appear on the Sutton Hoo helmet. Could these be a depiction of the Alcis twins? Or, at least, the Anglo-Saxon version of them?

Possible depiction of Alcis on the anglo-saxon Sutton Hoo helmet — *Possible depiction of the Alcis on the Sutton Hoo helmet*

This example should alert us to just how much may have been lost to the historic record. There can be little doubt that there were many other now lost Anglo-Saxon local and tribal deities. All that survives is a frustratingly incomplete picture.

Holy Places

Another challenge we face in discussing Anglo-Saxon paganism relates to their places of worship. What were they like and where were they? Thus far archaeology has failed to find a single confirmed Anglo-Saxon temple. Not one. Did they even have temples?

Tacitus, writing about German pagan practice at the end of the C1st, claimed that:

“The Germans do not think it in keeping with the divine majesty to confine gods within walls or to portray them in the likeness of any human countenance. Their holy places are woods and groves, and they apply the names of deities to that hidden presence which is seen only by the eye of reverence.”

Tacitus, Germania, Ch. 9.

Could the same be true of Anglo-Saxon gods? In Scandinavia, sites exists where offerings were brought to the gods in outdoor locations. In one example the only structures that marked a holy site were a few wooden posts.

Philologists believe that places using the name hearg or weoh may represent old English pagan holy sites. The former relates to hilly locations, the later to sites on level ground. At Harrow, in Sussex, (whose name derives from hearg) there is a dump of nearly 1000 ox skulls, suggesting that sacrificial rites were performed there. But there is no sign of any building that might have served as a temple.

Temples

Only one site has yet been found that is a good candidate for an Anglo-Saxon temple. At Yeavering in Northumberland, archaeologists have found the remains of a large, rectangular, wooden structure. It had posts that may have displayed totems or trophies. There is also a pit of animal bones (including many ox skulls) that suggest sacrificial rites. It is thought likely that it was a temple, although archaeologists cannot be certain.

A famous letter from Pope Gregory instructed early missionaries to re-purpose old pagan holy places where possible rather than destroy them. The contents of this letter are preserved in the Venerable Bede’s C8th Ecclesiastical History and indicates that the pagans did indeed have temples:

“…the temples of the idols among that people should on no account be destroyed. The idols are to be destroyed, but the temples themselves are to be aspersed with holy water, alters set up in them, and relics deposited there.”

Bede, Ecclesiastical History, Book 1, Ch. 30.

The same letter also confirms that the pagans often celebrated their religious rites by sacrificing oxen. However, the Bede was writing several decades after the death of the last pagan king. Despite this letter, investigations that have been undertaken beneath old medieval churches have revealed no sign of any pagan temples.

Priests and Prophets

Bede mentions that the pagans did indeed have priests. Other sources such as Beowulf and Tacitus’ accounts speak of ‘wise men’ and prophets. The performance of prophecy or divinations was clearly important to the Germanic pagan tradition. Those inspired to prophecy were not necessarily always priests; prophecy could sometimes come from ordinary folk. Women as well as men were potentially capable of prophecy, although we find no clear reference to female priests. Tacitus does, however, mention that the German priests attending the holy grove of the Alcis dressed in female attire.

Bede provides us with a detailed account of one pagan Anglo-Saxon priest; a fellow named Coifi. According to Bede, Coifi followed certain religious taboos. These included not riding a male horse and not bearing arms. When Coifi converted to Christianity, Bede claims he publicly broke these taboos to show people he was now a Christian.

*The pagan priest, Coifi, breaking his priestly taboos after converting to Christianity*

Afterlife

It is unclear as to precisely what the Anglo-Saxons believed in relation to an afterlife. Here we have two potentially conflicting pieces of evidence.

On the one hand, Bede tells us that the pagan religion left the Anglo-Saxons entirely uncertain as to the nature of the afterlife or, indeed, of the origins of life itself. Writing of their pagan view of human existence he tells us:

“…man appears on earth for a little while; but of what went before this life and of what follows, we know nothing.”

Bede, Ecclesiastical History, Book 2, Ch. 13.

What should we make of that? Three points need making here. Firstly, we should remember that Bede wrote this several decades after the Christianisation of England. The second being that, as a Christian, he was probably inclined to assume the worst of these old pagan beliefs. Thirdly, and most importantly, the archaeological evidence makes Bede’s account seem unlikely.

Archaeologists have investigated over 5,500 Anglo-Saxon pagan burials. In virtually all cases, grave goods, primarily highly personal items, were found. This would strongly suggest these people believed there was some form of afterlife. Why would the dead require such goods if it was not thought they would need them in an afterlife?

Burial Customs

Archaeology provides us with a wealth of information concerning Anglo-Saxon burial customs. It is the one aspect of their pagan traditions about which we know a lot. Both cremations and inhumations were used. As a very rough rule, poorer people tended to be cremated, and richer folk tended to be inhumed.

The ashes of the cremated dead would be placed in an urn and buried. These urns were often decorated with images such as serpents, dragons or swastikas (a symbol of fire at this time). Graves generally contained a range of person items such as combs, jewellery and razors; things the deceased would have used every day.

When the deceased was inhumed, they would also be buried with a similar array of personal items. Higher status men might sometimes even be buried with weapons and armour (like the Sutton Hoo chieftain/king). Men were almost always buried with a belt and a knife regardless of status. These knives were used primarily for eating (hence another item commonly carried and required for daily life). Drinking vessels, bowls and other utensils used for eating and drinking are also common.

Double Burials

Double burials were not uncommon (present in one quarter of cases). These are mostly thought to have been related individuals (such as husband and wife).

In a few cases the grave contains both a high status and a low status individual together. Here the lower status individual is placed face down in all cases (either beneath or above the higher status deceased). Possibly these were master and slave. In these instances, it is suspected that the slave may have been sacrificed to accompany their master into the afterlife. This practice did occur amongst Scandinavians (and is attested to in the Poetic Edda). Such burials were rare amongst the Anglo-Saxons; only nine cases have ever been found (fewer than 1 in 145 burials).

Mythology and Storytelling

Like other pagan Germanic people, the early Anglo-Saxons were reliant on oral tradition for the transmission of stories and myths.

Bede tells us that bards were the primary purveyors of storytelling. These bards, known as scops, played a similar role in their society to Celtic bards and Norse skalds. They told tales of myths and legends in their lords’ halls, using the media of song, music and poetry.

The Norse Poetic Edda provides us with a rough idea as to what these may have been like. But, alas, no Anglo-Saxon equivalent of the Poetic Edda survives. All we really have are a relative handful of texts. And we only have one Anglo-Saxon epic poem, Beowulf, amongst these. Even this is a heavily Christianised version of a tale about pagan times.

Beowulf

Beowulf was probably composed in the C8th. It is set in an earlier pagan time and place (Scandinavia in the C6th). The version that survives is a manuscript dating to around 1000 AD. Although it is presented as a pagan tale, it contains Christian references throughout, sometimes offering negative comment on earlier pagan beliefs. However, it is the closest thing we have to a genuine surviving early Anglo-Saxon myth.

The poem appears to retain much of the older scop tradition in terms of its style and delivery. It is clearly designed for public performance rather than private reading. It opens with the word “Hwæt!” – which translates, in this context, to something like “Harken!” – a clear call to grab the attention of an audience in a lord’s hall.

In Beowulf’s tale he confronts and kills three great foes. The first being an ogre-like creature named Grendel and the second being Grendel’s equally monstrous mother. Beowulf becomes king and rules long and well. However, years later, he must once again save his people, this time from a rampaging dragon. This last test proves too much and, although he slays the beast, he is himself slain.

It is a tale all about an archetypal charismatic warrior-king. A man whose authority derives from deeds of personal bravery and leadership in defence of his people.

Poetry and the Warrior

Anglo-Saxon poetry, of which Beowulf represents the most significant surviving example, speaks of an age that valued personal heroism and epic deeds. Beowulf’s poetry is dramatic and powerful but at times also barbaric and brutal. It speaks of a culture in which battle is very much part of everyday life and which glorifies prowess in war. A man’s worth is measured by his deeds in combat and the martial prowess of his ancestors. It is a worldview that positions the charismatic warlord at the very centre of Anglo-Saxon culture.

However, Anglo-Saxon poetry can also be poignant and reflective, moving in its approach to loss and death as, indeed, Beowulf sometimes is.

One Anglo-Saxon poem, The Wanderer, deals with the sense of loss felt by an aging warrior, whose past glories are now long behind him. Its words even served to inspire Tolkien to write a speech for one of his characters in the Lord of the Rings.

The old warrior of The Wanderer muses on his fate and wonders, like Tolkien’s Theoden, where is the horse and the rider? Where now are the great feasts of his youth? And where the past glories and times of joy? These times, he reflects, have passed as his life slips into nightfall, almost as if they had never been. There was clearly more to the Anglo-Saxons than just a thirst for glory in battle.

Culture and Mythology

The warrior-king and the warrior in general played a key role in Anglo-Saxon society. The representation of such individuals (of whom Beowulf is the most prominent example) illustrates just how important these people were in holding Anglo-Saxon communities together.

Another key cultural figure was the smith. The smith was the source of weapons and armour, as well as jewellery used by the elite to signal their status. If a community had a good smith, they could be sure of access to good quality weapons of war. It is therefore not surprising to find that another famous Germanic myth features a smith as its primary protagonist.

Wayland Smith

Wayland the smith is perhaps the most famous Anglo-Saxon mythological figure besides Beowulf. However, no Anglo-Saxon version of Wayland’s story survives. We nevertheless know that he was important. An ancient English barrow has borne his name since Anglo-Saxon times and an image of him appears on an early C8th chest, known as the Franks Casket. But all we have in terms of the written record are fragmentary references scattered between the C6th and C9th.

The most complete record of Wayland’s story can be found in Norse mythology. In this version Wayland is clearly identified as an elf rather than a man. He is famous for his craftsmanship; capable of creating the most marvellous works of art. An unscrupulous human king captures Wayland and imprisons him on a remote island forge. Here he forces Wayland to work for him, creating spectacular treasures. To make doubly sure Wayland can’t escape the king has him hamstrung.

*‘Wayland’s Smithy’ – a neolithic long barrow in Oxfordshire*

However, in time Wayland wreaks bloody revenge; slaying the king’s sons and ravishing his daughter before escaping by means of magical flight.

The Anglo-Saxon version of this myth probably followed the same story closely. And, just like their Norse cousins, pagan Anglo-Saxon mythology also featured a belief in magic and in supernatural creatures such as elves.

Leechcraft and Magic

The Norse Eddas contain several tales that speak of magic, divining, shape changing and supernatural creatures like elves, giants and dragons. Such things are mentioned in Anglo-Saxon tales too but often only fragments survive. Fortunately for us, we can discern more about these beliefs from Anglo-Saxon medical compendia. These include books like Lacnunga (literary ‘Remedies’, dating to the late C10th) and Bald’s Leechbook (mid-C10th).

These books record the practices of the Anglo-Saxon Leech – a kind of doctor who combined herbal treatments with spells and charms. The name leech comes from the old English lǣċe (meaning a physician). Since these doctors sometimes bled their patients with leeches; their name eventually transferred to these small blood-sucking worms.

Some of their treatments were herbal remedies, similar and sometimes identical to those that would be offered by Christian monks to the sick throughout the Middle Ages. Many involved spells and charms as well as an herbal infusion. Their practice was rooted in earlier pagan superstitions but had evolved to accommodate Christian beliefs by the C10th. Thus, the C10th leech appears to have combined herbal remedies with spells and Christian prayers – a hybrid blend of pagan and Christian.

Of Elves and Elf-shot

Several leech remedies deal with curing maladies caused by ‘elf-shot’. It was thought especially likely that certain diseases in animals might be caused by this phenomenon. Elf-shot was perceived to consist of tiny (presumably poisoned) darts fired by malignant diminutive fae creatures. Unexplained deaths of pigs and illnesses in cattle might all be attributed to such a source. Cures might include burning herbal infusions, reciting charms or prayers or a combination of such measures. Chicken pox in humans, for example, was referred to as ‘water-elf disease’.

Elves were even thought to be capable of possession, like evil spirits. The Leechbook supplies the following remedy in the event of such an affliction:

“Against an elf and against an unknown possession, rub myrrh into wine and an equal quantity of white incense, and shave a little of the agate stone into the wine. Drink it after a night’s fasting on three mornings or nine or twelve.”

Leechbook, II, LXV

In like manner, some remedies that were deemed effective against elves were also thought to work against other evil spirits, phantoms and the curses of malevolent witches. By the time we read of these spells and charms in these C10th books, old superstitions had become seamlessly interwoven with Christian prayers and liturgy. However, we can imagine that in pagan times similar practices would have operated without any Christian element.

The Nine Herbs Charm

In just one famous charm, appearing in Lacnunga, the pagan god Woden is invoked. It is the only surviving record of an Anglo-Saxon spell that has such a clear pagan reference. It is known as the Nine Herbs Charm.

The Nine Herbs Charm is a spell that can be chanted over an herbal infusion to grant it the power to purge poisons. At one point in the incantation Woden is said to take nine twigs, each inscribed with the runic power of a particular herb. He uses these to imbue the herbs with magical potency, smiting an adder to divide it into nine parts. We are then told that by this power “…these nine herbs have power against nine evil spirits, nine poisons and nine infections”.

The numbers appearing within the charm (nine and three) had magical significance in pagan Germanic cultures. This charm shows this applied to the Anglo-Saxon pagans as well as their Germanic and Norse cousins.

The End of Paganism

The mission to convert the Anglo-Saxons to Christianity began, in earnest, in 596. By 686 the process was complete in the sense that all the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, from this time onwards, were Christian. Pagan beliefs and superstitions no doubt lingered on and, in time, became interwoven with Christian practice, as the Leech books demonstrate. But, as far as the ruling elite was concerned, the whole of England universally followed the Christian faith from the late C7th up until the Danish invasion of the late C9th.

Anglo-Saxon paganism had effectively been swept aside in less than a century. How was this possible? There are several reasons, of course, but perhaps one of the most significant was the very structure of early Anglo-Saxon society itself.

As Beowulf testifies, the centre of the early Anglo-Saxon world was (ideally) a strong and charismatic warrior-king. It was the role of such an individual to protect and guide his people, administer justice and see to their wellbeing. For the early missionaries their task was therefore a relatively straightforward one. If they could convert the kings and their earls, the rest of the people would follow. So, by winning over a relatively small number of influential elites, it was possible to convert entire tribes and kingdoms to the Christian faith. And this is indeed what happened.

Myths and Legends of the Medieval World

Although Anglo-Saxon paganism disappeared as a living religion, its surviving myths and superstitions continued to shape the mythology and culture of medieval England. It, along with the pagan beliefs of the Celtic world, classical mythology and the myths and pagan practices of the Vikings, played a role in shaping a new culture. Christianity did not entirely erase old pagan ways; rather, it absorbed and ‘Christianised’ many of them, just as we see in Anglo-Saxon medical compendia. It would also add its own myths and superstitions, with stories of saints, miracles, relics, and a medieval experimentation with esoteric mysticism.

The myths, legends and superstitious beliefs of the new medieval world were unique, but owed much to a multicultural mix of older pagan traditions. You can read a lot more about the myths, stories, and folklore of the Middle Ages in my book, Myths and Legends of the Medieval World.

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